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Bangladesh: The Enemy Within I What Bangladesh has begun to realize, alongside other South Asian nations, is that in the era of globalization, Bangladesh, as well as the other countries in the region, cannot progress much further on their own. The establishment of trading blocs throughout the globe is a signal that to remain competitive in terms of international trade, South Asia needs to counter the segmentation of the global market with a regional grouping of its own. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) seemed to be the appropriate platform from which to launch the bid for regional cooperation. Bangladesh, in the person of the late President Ziaur Rahman played a major role in the establishment of SAARC. However, established in 1985, disappointingly enough, SAARC has under performed in terms of producing specific outcomes for regional growth. Regional economic cooperation was a fairly late element in SAARC; the issues of trade, investment, finance, etc were deliberately left out of SAARC�s purview to avoid possible areas of conflict. Initiated in 1993, the South Asian Preferential Trading Agreement (SAPTA) was enforced only in 1995. The success of other regional economic entities brought forth the realisation that it was not possible to achieve the envisaged development without going into the contentious issue of regionalism in terms of economics. However, with most of the countries of this region entering the World Trade Agreement (WTO)[1] � Bangladesh being among the first to join WTO � the first step towards economic integration has already been taken. Following the success of a number of sub-regional economic zones involving the South East Asian nations[2], especially the members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the establishment of a Free Trade Area in South Asia was conceptualized in the latter part of the 1990s. The South Asia Free Trade Area (SAFTA) is scheduled to go into enforcement in 2001. It was supposed that the pace of regional cooperation would be accelerated by the establishment of the South Asian Growth Quadrangle (SAGQ) � an envisaged growth zone covering Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, and several North Eastern Provinces of India. However, the creation of sub-regional alliances was not a measure wholeheartedly accepted by all South Asian nations. Non-participating member countries have voiced strong concerns over the necessity for such measures. The argument has been that the creation of other multilateral economic associations while SAARC exists is merely a waste of time and resources. In addition, the very existence of such entities may undermine the concept of SAARC, as sub-regional cooperation will damage the very concept of regional cooperation. Acceptance of the concept of sub regional growth zones has not been smooth within the participating countries either. In fact, the idea has given rise to serious debate and controversy in Bangladesh, fueling the ever-present fear of Indian expansionism. Consequently, sub-regionalism has not evolved into economic interaction across the board but has been limited to �specific projects relevant to the special individual needs of three or more Member States�[3]. One reason that South Asia is not succeeding in coalescing as a region may be that India could not be matched by the other member countries economically, politically or even geographically. The enormous influence that India has in the region makes the smaller countries fear of being overwhelmed by India (anti-Indian rhetoric is one of the main strategies that one of the major political parties in Bangladesh uses to garner public sympathy) � and not only in terms of trade. The nations smaller in terms of size and wealth fear that any gains will be asymmetrically distributed, falling in favor of India. However, even the sternest critics of SAARC have to admit that the association has had a moderating influence on the region. It has succeeded in acting as a platform for the highest level political interaction between nations � in a region where face to face interaction between heads of state is hardly the norm. The difficult relationship between India and Pakistan, the two largest nations in South Asia, has always had a negative impact on the other countries of the region. The SAARC dialogues allow these countries to interact peacefully with each other without loss of face thereby opening the way towards further understanding. SAARC has shown the potential to act as a forum for dialogue, negotiations and peace building � aspects of the organisation that need to be tapped further. It has to be remembered that the effectiveness of such an association is always dependent on the geo-political reality of the region. As in any association, SAARC can only be as successful as its member countries want it to be � or will allow it to be. The process of the SAARC �talk-shows� � where the heads of states as well as ministers meet for face to face dialogue � needs to be made independent of anything that may be happening in the member countries. In the past, summit meets have been adjourned as a result of conflicts within or between member countries. Instead of allowing the postponement of such meetings, it should be ensured that they be used as the chance to resolve national differences. Non-governmental initiatives seem to be increasingly effective in a number of areas. Despite certain misgivings regarding sustainability, the unique role that NGOs have played in Bangladesh is a case in point. In other countries, civil society groups including NGOs are taking on substantial amounts of state obligations � with or without the support of the state. Within South Asia, social movements to further human and civil rights and social justice have been initiated. The same can be done to further the cause of regional cooperation � within and across national boundaries. The increase in popular support for religious fundamentalist political parties in Bangladesh (as well as in Pakistan and India) may be considered to be indicative of the people�s frustration with the mainstream political parties and their failure to resolve any of the national or regional problems. In a country beset by illiteracy and acute poverty, the inclination to try for a �divine� answer to all that troubles the region is perhaps natural. It is up to the �privileged� few � privileged in terms of education as well as wealth � among the masses to identify and lead the way towards a better tomorrow. The root of many of Bangladesh�s problems today lie in the past. The relationships between Bangladesh and its neighbours are to a large extent defined by their histories together; and an inability to overcome that past. Keeping past enmities alive by focussing on the �menace� � whether real or imagined � that India and Pakistan constitute is a strategy used by almost all politicians to occupy the minds of the people, which might otherwise begin to dwell on the increasingly worsening domestic situation. However, in an age when instant access to information is a reality, how much longer the politicians continue to try to �fool all of the people all of the time� is a point to be pondered. Throughout its short history, the political parties of Bangladesh have failed miserably in cooperating and collaborating with each other � a practice that has ultimately resulted in compromising the economic future of the country. Progress in any sector of the country is slowed down or halted because of political unrest and corruption. The steadily declining law and order situation may be perceived as a byproduct of political corruption. Attempts at reform rarely succeed because of the interference of the political element in every aspect of society. What is frightening is that corruption, in the form of kickbacks, informal payments and threats of �persuasion�, has become the norm. Politically powerful persons remain �untouchable� without the threat of prosecution or punishment despite allegations of corruption. The present situation is one where a corrupt political system is breeding corruption into every aspect of society. With the fall of the dictatorship in 1990, Bangladesh entered a new era when the implementation of democracy had the chance to be more than just a dream. A decade later, for the first time in the history of Bangladesh, a government has succeeded in completing its term of office. At present, after a peaceful hand over of power to a caretaker government, the country is awaiting elections in October. Bangladesh has now reached a point in its existence when perhaps it is time to explore a different way � a way that will enable us to perceive ourselves not as a people forever separated by political beliefs, destined to tread upon the well-worn paths of political dissension and disharmony, but as a united people who can only help each other to move forward to a future of growth and prosperity. [1]
The only exceptions are Nepal and Bhutan. [2]
The ASEAN region has three sub � regional economic zones.
These are: the Southern Growth Triangle comprising Indonesia,
Malaysia and Singapore, the Northern Growth Triangle comprising
Indonesia and Malaysia and Thailand and the Eastern Growth Triangle
comprising Indonesia, Malaysia the Philippines and Brunei.
There are a number of other economic zones, which include non-ASEAN
countries. Go to part-1... Published at Mukto-Mona : http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/2307 http://groups.yahoo.com/group/mukto-mona/message/2308 |
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