Response to a "Bangladesh �ber Alles" syndrome.

Ethnic cleansing or not ?

By Rahul Gupta

Re: http://www.bangladesh-web.com/news/nov/14/g14112002.htm#A1

Truth hurts, bitter truth hurts bitterly. Denial is a great virtue; Pakistan has been practicing it since long particularly since 1971 regarding the genocide of 1971.

MM human rights section already had an article titled "Ethnic Cleansing In Ahmedabad" https://gold.mukto-mona.com/human_rights/ethnic_cleansing_in_ahmedabad. I didn�t see anybody questioning the definition when that article was posted! Why can�t they accept the "cleansing" definition here? Are the reports below not be proof enough of �ethnic cleansing� in BD in very recent past if Gujarat India, can be referred as �ethnic cleansing�?

Janakantha, Oct 10, 2001

Report from Janakantha, Oct 10, 2001: Post election violence and oppression against minority has displaced more than 15 thousands minority families in Barishal and Bagerhat districts. The affected upazilas (sub-districts) are Gournadi, Ujipur, Agailjara, Mullahat and Chitalmari. Hindu minorities from those upazilas are being forced out of their land and taken shelters at various villages in Ramshil upazila under Khotalipara districts. The displaced minorities have taken shelter to various schools and colleges at Ramshil bazaar and their relatives in those areas.

Islamic fundamentalists have initiated a rain of terror forcing minorities to endure living in a nightmare condition in those areas. Janakantha correspondence Mr. Mojammel Haq after visiting the affected areas today (Tuesday) described that the situation is far grave than the atrocities of 1971. Those families were not displaced in 1971, now they are facing far severe condition and being forced out of their own native land.

The oppressed minority reported that due their support for AL in the election, BNP supporters went on rampage setting ablaze houses and raping women in Chadshi, Bahadurpur, Barthi, Pingolkati, Ashukati, Tarki Bandar, Narchira, and Sharikal under Gournadi and Rangtha, Bakal, Rajihar, Chingatia, Ramshidha, Dhanduba, Jayrampatti under Agailjara upazila and everywhere in Ujipur. With primitive laughter Islamic fundamentalists raped hundreds of women, removed eye of victims and loot all the belongings of minority victims. Such primitive and barbaric atrocities cannot be expressed in words. Mr. Bimal Biswas, a leader of local AL described middle age lawlessness and barbaric rampage in the area.

He mentioned that Islamic fundamentalist gang raped mother and her daughters of a Hindu family from Uttachadni under Gournadi upazila in front of public eye. In another incident, three daughters of a minority family were taken out of their house and gang raped publicly by Islamic fundamentalist. He also told to the news conference that BNP cadres kidnapped most of the women and girls from the villages at night, raped them overnight and released them in the morning. Janakantha has also reported that Bangladesh government has not taken any step to prevent such atrocities nor has provided food and shelter to the thousands of victims. If food and shelter is not given immediately, most of the displaced families will starve from lack of food and water.

"This is terror, state sponsored terror."

Time is out of joint and we are witnessing a maddening scenario of brutality emerged out of politics. Since last October, after their dispossession and expulsion from their home and territories, most Bangalees have become refugees in their own country, coming to terms not with their past which is lost but with their present. This is politics of dispossession: dispossession from their rights, properties and human dignity.

Since the terror began in late October 2001 well over 30 thousand Hindus fled from Bangladesh to India; over 1 thousand women were raped; over 185 political opponents were killed; over 5260 were injured; over 4,000 houses have been burnt; punitive taxes are levied against the population without allowing that population any form of recourse; acres after acres of paddy harvest have been expropriated, whole villages like Aguandi and Hapania rendered destitute, armed thugs of the ruling parties are allowed to kill and beat minorities and political opponents with total impunity. These are human rights abuses and these abuses are done by the government against their own people. This catalogue of suffering does not deter the government from discriminating systematically against the Bangalee people, much as the glory of the thumping victory in the election does not deter the government from decimating the population of Bangladesh in 100 days of rule. This is terror, state sponsored terror.

{[ STATE-SPONSORED TERRORISM IS (1)WHERE THE STATE-MACHINE �LEGITIMISES� THE TERROR BY MAKING LAWS / SETTING TREND/CULTURE WHICH AYUB KHAN DID, AND (2) WHERE MANY ELECTED MPs COLLECTIVELY TAKE PART IN IT AS GUJRAT GOVT. DID }].

http://www.albd.org/convention/paper3eng.htm

Hindus in Bangladesh are so terror-stricken that ethnic cleansing is largely bloodless, brought about by various ways of intimidation, threat of force and non-homicidal assaults/torture. Fear psychosis is so deep among Hindus that some of them leave Bangladesh even before they themselves become victims of some sufferings, because such sufferings have been already inflicted upon their relatives and neighbors.

Hindus are subjected to the same types of atrocities after 1971 as they were during 1947-1971. There is an all-pervasive feeling of insecurity. As far as Hindus are concerned, nothing is safe - fishes in the ponds, paddy in the fields or valuables at home. Hindu women can be harassed or subjected to threats of kidnapping, to be followed by actual kidnapping, if the potential victims do not leave Bangladesh for India. It is nearly impossible for Hindus to sell anything at a fair price - cattle, paddy or land. They are forced to sell their lands at incredibly low prices. Even the plea for a fair price can provoke threats of murder or kidnapping. Moreover, even the price that is fixed at an unwarrantedly low level is not fully paid. False cases are started against Hindus. Police torture follows. Neither the Police apparatus nor the village community has any interest in coming to the rescue of beleaguered Hindus. There is, consequently, no option before Hindus except, leaving Bangladesh for India.

The aftermath of Gujarat riot should be an eye opener to many of us. We saw thousands of secular Bengalees demonstrating in Calcutta Street protesting against the onslaught against Muslims in Gujarat. We rarely saw any parallel demonstration in Bangladesh. Why revenge was extracted against minority Hindus after the Babri Mosque demolition? Why did they take onto their shoulder any problems regarding mosque in another country? Why is such Ummatic fervor considering OIC and worlds Muslims gave a damn to Bangladeshi people in 1971 when they were fighting for their survival? Why was there insignificant protest from the civil society after the backlash on Bangladeshi Hindus as it occurred after the Babri mosque demolition? It is probably because they are much concerned about "Desher Bhabmurti" rather than few thousand "Malaun"'s lives. This kind of "patriotism" is called "Bangladesh �ber Alles" (Bangladesh, above all - 'an Islamic style') syndrome that Mr. Jaffor Ullah mentioned in one of his articles in NFB and Mukto-mona.

Possible reasons of Hindu outflow from Bangladesh

Here are some important points may contribute to Hindu migration from Bangladesh. Most of the Hindus had to flee away because of continuous repression, violation of rights, and maltreatment. We already talked about lot of issues and some of them are new.

1. Constitutional Discrimination:

The new state of Bangladesh emerged as a secular polity with a constitutional embargo on religion in politics. The first Constitution passed on November 4, 1972, abolished (a) all kinds of communalism; (b) political recognition of religion by the state; (c) exploitation of religion for political purpose; and (d) discrimination on religious ground (Article 2 of the Bangladesh Constitution). The preamble of the Constitution emphasized secularism as one of the fundamental principles of state policy. It is obvious that Islam, or for that matter, any other religion, as an individual belief system was not interfered with, but its political use and or abuse was barred (Hossain, 1997, pp. 82). The nation has moved much further away from that point.

(a) It A non-Muslim, by Constitution, cannot become the President, the Head of the State.

(b) The Bangladesh Constitution was amended in 1977, and `secular' State status was dropped with Islam, incorporating a compulsory Islamic address `Bismillaher Rahmaner Rahim' at the beginning of the Constitution. [Reference: Directory of Statistical Survey on Bangladesh, Commonwealth Publication, page 438]. Earlier short-lived government of Mustaque Ahmed (August 1975 - November 1975) brought to power at the behest of young military officers, declared Peoples Republic of Bangladesh as "Islamic Republic of Bangladesh" over the state radio, which however fetched recognition of Saudi Arabia, Libya and China.

(c) In 1988, the Islam became State Religion of Bangladesh (eighth amendment) while there are about 15% non-Muslim population, encouraging Islamic fundamentalists to exploit non-Muslims in different circumstances.

2. Provocation:

(a) In 1964, a severe riot, in which thousands of Hindus were brutally killed.

(b) In 1971, although the Pakistan army killed millions of innocent people of the then East Pakistan, non-Muslims were the main targets of the Pakistan Army.

(c) Soon after independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the Ramna Kalibari, a sacred Hindu temple, situated in Dhaka City was totally demolished by the Government unjustifiably, demeaning the religious freedom of the Hindus even after the independence.

(d) In December 1990, a communal riot demolished many Hindu temples. Many properties owned by the Hindus were looted and put to arson.

(e) In December 1992, following the incidence of Babri Mosque of India, hundreds of temples were demolished, properties were looted, Hindu women were raped and killed. The racial violence in December, 1992 was the worst in terms of damage and destruction (State of Human Rights, 1992, pp. 95).

(f) Government administrative and law enforcing agencies remained mysteriously silent in rural Bangladesh and district towns, when complaints were lodged by religious minorities or killings, extortion, rape, arson, forceful eviction from properties, raiding places of worship such as "Mandirs", destruction of idols and other statues, disrupting, religious festivals, "Pujas" or "Melas" (State of Human Rights, 1993, pp. 78).

Several months after the riot (1990-1992), in mid -1993, the BNP govt. issued two orders, which were interpreted as government policy of persecution of the religious minorities. The Home Ministry asked the commercial banks to control withdrawal of substantial cash money against account holders of Hindu community. The commercial banks were asked to stop disbursement of business loans to Hindu community in the districts adjoining the India-Bangladesh border.

The government in 1993 initiated conduct survey vested properties, human rights organizations treat these as alibi to persecute religious minorities especially Hindus. Govt. officials at district level were listing properties whose owners are alive and still living in Bangladesh (State of Human Rights, 1993).

The Enemy Property (Custody and Registration) Order under dreaded "Defense of Pakistan Rules Ordinance" was promulgated soon after the seventeen days war with Pakistan and India in 1965. All the large establishments including industries, trading centers, landed properties belonged to the Hindu community who were bracketed as abandoned were nationalized. The law says that the properties of Indian nationals residing in Pakistan or Pakistan citizens residing in India will be identified as "enemies of Pakistan". In political terms the properties were confiscated by the state because they were Hindus. However the government did not seize properties of Christians and Buddhists. Properties belonged to Indian Muslims residing in Pakistan or exchanged properties illegally with fleeing Hindus to India were not listed as abandoned or enemies of Pakistan. The discrimination was deliberate and obvious to deprive the Hindus who have made an exodus to India or elsewhere. There were hundreds of Indian Muslims who migrated to East Pakistan and never bothered to take domicile certificate, therefore they were not registered as Pakistani citizen where not declared as enemies. Those so-called enemy properties seized were later gifted to lackeys of the government. Though most of them formerly belonged to Muslim League, and later joined AL, BNP and JP. Anti-autocratic, autonomy seeking AL and other opposition political groups strongly demanded repeal of the discriminatory law and return the properties to just owners. After the war of liberation, the Hindu and freedom loving people thought that the law would be scrapped in matter of days in the war-torn Bangladesh. Despite a popular mandate, Shiekh Mujib advocate of a secular nation and a true homeland of the Muslim, Hindu and Christian Bangalees surprised many by keeping the hated law with an amendment. In 1974 two laws were adopted, "The Enemy Property (Continuance and Emergency Provisions) [Repeal] Act" and the other one was "The Vested and Non-Resident Property (Administration) Act". Since 23rd March 1974 the controversial Enemy Property Order seized to exercise.

There was no protest, criticism against the same law being maintained in a different form to deliberately discriminate against the Hindus. The new law enacted in 1974 also holds rights to properties, either abandoned or left behind by Pakistani and Indian owners. Nevertheless, most of the properties the Pakistani's appeal to the court for redress, got back their properties. There are several instances, that the Pakistan citizens obtained false citizenship documents, bought a section of government officials and won the litigation. Later all the properties were sold at a fetching price to influential persons who would able to retain the ownership legally. [Two in-depth studies titled "Impact of Vested Property Act on Rural Bangladesh: An Exploratory Study" � 1995 and "Vested Property Act: Towards a Feasible Solution" - 1997 by Dr. Abul Barkat et al.]

Hindus here, were the victims of violence as an echo of the Babri mosque demolition incident but the incidents were sporadic despite political patronage of the violence. The declaration of Islam as the state religion may not have much institutional or formal ramifications but it has made the minorities in Bangladesh distant from the core of the state. This illustrates how low intensity violence against the minorities can push millions into a state of silent disaster (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214).

Lack of socio-economic opportunities, low intensity hostility at all socio-economic levels including the state and greater opportunities across the border are the push-pull factors which have led to Hindus crossing over the border every day (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214).

3. Discrimination:

Hindus are discriminated compared to Muslims. How many percentage of Hindus are there in government sectors, army, navy and other sensitive sectors?

(a) While the minority hindu population constitutes about 10.5% of the total population of the country, the literacy rate of the minority is almost double (60%) compared to the average national literacy rate. The minority group reasonably deserves at least 20% representation at all levels, but in reality, they represent less than 10%.

(b) The Hindu citizens are generally not recruited in Defense and Foreign Services of Bangladesh. The jobs in the Foreign Service are the most lucrative civil service positions in Bangladesh. Since 1947, only one Hindu joined the Foreign Service directly through civil service examination and finally had to quit.

(c) The high ranking Hindu civil servants are normally not given any important position in the government. A Hindu citizen of Bangladesh, though qualified, is not appointed above the rank of Joint-Secretary which is the third highest position in the Bangladesh Civil Service; they are usually posted to these positions just prior to retirement.

d) Many Hindus got killed in the liberation war. The ratio compared to Muslims will be quite high. Still after the liberation there was no Hindu minister or secretary. [There is no �BEER PRITIK�, �BEER SHRESTHO� ALSO FROM NON-MUSLIMS]. After 30 years of liberation BD had 2 Hindu secretaries. There�s no high ranking Hindu in police or military. Is there any Hindu major general? Was there any Hindu Foreign, Defense or Finance minister ever? Can a Hindu ever be a president of Bangladesh?

e) Mr. Zakaria is very eager to compare trees with trees [not branches]. FINE ! Let's follow the facts of discrimination. In contrast to Bangladesh, India made several Muslims their president since past. Even in nuclear sector the Chief Scientist was Muslim. In defense too there are a lot of Muslims. The state of WB acting chief minister is Md. Amin, the police DIG is Dr. Nazrul Islam, speaker of the house is Hasim Abdul Halim. One of the deputy ministers in India is Omar Abdullah, son of Farooq Abdullah. Dr. Zakir Husain, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed and Dr. Abdul Kalam Azad were/are presidents of India. There was Chief Justice and Judges of the Supreme Court and High Court who were/are Muslims. Justice Hidayatulla Baig, Justice Ahmedi and Justice Beevi Fatima are some note worthy names. Muslim Governors were there in the past and are also now in some states. We had Muslim Chief Ministers. There are Muslim Ministers in the Union and State cabinets, Muslim Governors, Muslim Ambassadors, representing India in foreign countries, Muslim members in Parliament and state legislatures, Muslim judges serving on the Supreme Court and High Courts, high-ranking officers in the Armed Forces and the Civil services. There are Muslim captains of Indian hockey and cricket teams. Even in secular India there is separate law called Muslim personal law (MPL) which allows Muslims to exercise separate laws for divorce etc, govt. of India subsidizes Hajj expense regularly. India lost thousands of it�s own soldiers during the 1971 war, is there any monument remembering those �freedom fighters� for BD freedom?

4. Rights of Property:

After the War of 1965 between India and Pakistan, the then East Pakistan promulgated the Enemy (Hindu) Property Act in which Hindu's property was confiscated by the government if any member of a family went to India while it was not done for the Muslim citizens of the country. This act was severely misused against all Hindu citizens of Bangladesh. Later on the Bangladesh government renamed the Enemy Property Act as Arpita Sampatty (Vested Property) Act to refine this hostile word to a more sophisticated term, but the general rules of the law remained unchanged.

5. Other:

The Hindus cannot dress ritually to perform the religious rites. Hindu man folk cannot even wear Dhuti (a typical dress worn by the Hindu gentlemen) in public places. Cremation grounds with many crematories are taken over by force (example: Postagola, Dhaka and in other cities). Hindus cannot perform their religious rites openly and loudly at home and in public. Hindus are insulted and threatened if they do so.

THUS THE HINDUS ARE PASSING THROUGH A DISASTER SITUATION AS THEIR LIFE, PROPERTY AND PEACE HAVE ALL BEEN MADE TO FEEL INSECURE BY THE LACK OF SECURITY AND EXISTING STATE POLICIES AND PUBLIC ACTION WHICH ARE FORCING THEM TO EXIT TO ANOTHER LAND. NO BUTS AND IFS HERE.

What is the problem if a "West Bengal ex East Bengal hindu" points out these bitter truths? Why a "Bangladeshi muslim" is allowed to stand and talk on behalf of Palestine or Kashmir people? Why not then he is considered to be "communal" too? Seems that examples like Zakaria and the rest are suffering on "Bangladesh �ber Alles" syndrome that I already pointed out.

Mr. Zakaria failed to refute any claim data / statistics (all from official census site) except calling "Mayer daak" communal site. Why does he consider Mayer daak communal ? Just because they are supporting Minority rights in BD ? He compared �official census data� provided in the document vs. Milli gazette assumption data, some comparison indeed!

References:

1. Chowdhury, Afsan. 1998. Disasters: Issues and Responses, in Philip Gain (ed.) Bangladesh Environment: Facing the 21st Century. Dhaka: Society for Environment and Human Development.

2. Hossain, Dr. Syed Anwar. 1997. Bangladesh Politics: From Secular to Islamic Trend, in Barun De and Ranabir Samaddar (ed.), State, Development and Political Culture: Bangladesh and India. New Delhi: Har Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd.

3. State of Human Rights 1991. 1992. Father R.W. Timm and Philip Gain (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

4. State of Human Rights 1992. 1993. Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

5. State of Human Rights 1993. 1994. Father R.W. Timm, CSC, Brother Jarlath D Souza, et al (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

6. State of Human Rights 1994. 1995. Father R.W. Timm, Brother Jarlath D Souza, et al (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

7. State of Human Rights 1995. 1996. Father Dr. R.W. Timm (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

8. State of Human Rights 1996. 1997. Father R.W. Timm (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

9. State of Human Rights 1997. 1998. Father R.W. Timm (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.

10. Mizan Khan : http://bangladeshhumanity.freeservers.com/facts.html

11. Ashworth, Georgina, editor, (1977), World Minorities, Volume One, Middx., United Kingdom: Quartermaine House Ltd. and Minority Rights Group.

12. Europa Publications, Far East and Australasia 1994.

13. Far Eastern Economic Review, 1993-94.

14. Keesings Record of World Events, 1993-94.

15. Nexis Library Information, 1990-99.

Several other HR related web sites .


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