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Minority Oppression in Bangladesh |
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Report of the Public Inquiry Commission(7th Installment) By Mukto-mona Dhaka Source Continued from Sixth Installment (original pages 33-37) 6. Overall Observation, Conclusion and Recommendations. 6.2 Conclusions During post election days, while incidents of violence directed against a particular community were appearing in daily news papers and other media, the care take government of justice Latifur Rahman and the subsequent elected government played the issue very lightly. Their reaction was unconcerned and very cool.
2.1 Government Reaction After analysis in details of the events concerning minority repression it appeared to the Commission as if there were no government in the country during first ten days in the month of October, 2001. These days they were celebrating their achievements of successful completion of a neutral, peaceful and free election with overwhelming joy. On the occasion of their imminent departure they were not at all concerned with such little things like 'worsening law and order situation' or so called 'minority repression'. For this reason local police and civil administration were aloof; the administration did not feel encouraged to come forward to stop atrocities leading to large-scale minority repression. As a result the terrorists felt encouraged.
The situation did not show any sign of improvement even after assumption of power by Khaleda Zia led government of 4-party alliance. Rather minority-repression continued to increase day by day. Unfortunately even the new government seemed to treat the matter very lightly; it was stated that most of the reports published were exaggerated, although there might be one or two stray cases here and there. And causes behind those incidents were (i) political motivation, (ii) personal grudge & revenge and or (iii) lust for grabbing property. (See Daily Star 16. 10. 01, Jugantor 16. 10. 01, Sngbad 17. 10. 01, Bhorer Kagoj 16. 10. 01, and Bangladesh Observer 16. 10. 01)
Even though the government termed those incidents of minority repression as conspiracy, it ordered all district commissioners to report back within 48 hours on alleged minority repressions that took place since October 2, 2001 in their respective districts (Ittefaq 14. 10. 01). Nothing has been heard of those reports of district commissioners since then. The government then on 8th November, 2001 formed a high powered 4-member committee of high level bureaucrats to scrutinize and verify the reports of minority repression appearing in news media. This was a closed committee. Even if the said committee had submitted any report to the government, contents of the report have not been made public even today. No programme regarding visit of the committee to affected areas, or interviewing victims of repression was publicly announced.
Commission opines that there might be some emotion on the part of the reporters or interviewers in describing the incidents related to minority-repression, and there might be some variation in quantitative description in the reports, but those factors do not negate real truths.
A matter came up before the Commission for consideration was -- what class of people became more victims of these terrible repressions. After critical reviewing and analyzing the events Commission concluded that although men of upper social strata were also not spared, mostly common men were the victims of these terrible and wide spread repressions and torture. The Public Inquiry Commission observes as follows:
During pre-election period although terrorists and miscreants made activists of political opponents as their main targets of political malice, but in case of minorities they made no such distinction. Who were common voters and who were political leaders or political workers did not matter to them. And repression came down on members of minority community irrespective of whether they were leaders, workers or just common innocent men. There was only one objective: to make the so called minority vote bank of a particular political party ineffective by showing threat and fear, and continuing persecution on minorities. As the election-activity reaching its peak, common voters of the minority community were becoming main target of political violence. Not only the Hindu minorities, but gradually Christians and Adibashis were also becoming targets of political persecution.
After the election the intensity, dimension, extension and kind of repression on those targets increased manifold. What was limited to some restricted areas spread all over Bangladesh following the election. Another noticeable matter was that among the minority community common men of no means and wealth became the victims of terrorism en masse. Therefore, it is not difficult to understand that grabbing of properties and wealth and occupation of business establishments were not the only objective of directed minority repression. If that were true then wealthy families of villages and ganjs (small business centres), and big business men and known business establishments would have been targets of repression. But in reality that did not happen; the fact was members of the minority community were persecuted irrespective of being rich or poor or of their social status. This is also one of the characteristics of current minority repressions. In the current episode why such an enormous number of helpless common people were affected demands an analytical explanation.
After careful study of those reports made available to the Commission it became apparent to the Commission that a vast number of minority population had to take shelter elsewhere after being evicted from affected areas. After scrutinizing reports appearing in daily news papers it is found that (i) nearly four thousand minority families were evicted from their abodes and (ii) thousands of people were forced to take shelter elsewhere leaving their own villages. There might be difference of opinion as regards its exact numbers. Besides, during post election period a large number of common minority families were forced to take shelter in India. Calcutta's leading English daily 'The Statesman' (19. 11. 01) published a report covering minority repression taking place in Bangladesh and large number of refugees from Bangladesh taking shelter in India; some interviews of evacuees have also been published.
Anxious expatriates from Bangladesh raised voice of protest in different foreign countries. As for example, some Bangladeshi expatriates observed a token hunger strike on 09. 11. 01 in front of 'House of Commons' in London and then submitted a memorandum to the British Prime Minister. In Switzerland a memorandum was submitted to the UN Secretary General through the UNO office on 06. 11. 01. Besides, memorandums from Bangladeshis living in different foreign countries were sent to Prime Minister of Bangladesh. On 19th November a protest demonstration was made in front of Bangladesh embassy in Paris. On individual level also many memorandum, letters etc. were sent to UN Human Rights High Commissioner. In this connection we may quote comments made by Mary Robinson, UN Human Rights High Commissioner to a correspondent of 'Daily Star' on 12th November, 2001 in Delhi:
"Yes it is extremely important some of the NGOs raised with me the issue of recent violence against minorities in Bangladesh. I see that the government of Bangladesh has established a high powered committee to examine the situation. Had the Bangladesh have a permanent National Human Rights Commission they can accumulate a lot of information and knowledge of the situation and ways to ensure that issue such as violence or discrimination against minorities, violence against women and children can be tackled and addressed. (Daily Star, 29. 11. 01) 2.2 Difference of this year's repression from earlier ones. From the reports available to the Commission and from other evidences it appeared to the Commission that there are some distinctive features that make current minority repression different from those of earlier events. The nature and extension of present minority repression are of different dimension from repressions took place earlier. It may be mentioned here that since 1947 terrible violences directed against minority community in the name of communal riots were committed by a section of people belonging to majority community - an one sided affairs. And in these acts of violence state had always provided encouragement sometimes openly and sometimes indirectly. As a result as days and years passed on, the helplessness implanted in the minds of the minority community became deeper and deeper.
At the time of emergence of Bangladesh although communal force retreated for the time being, but some communal violence took place in some localities of Bagerhat-Khulna belt even as early as 1972- and in some other parts of the country Shradiyay Puja Mandap (roofed terrace where Hindu's greatest festival worshiping of Autumnal Goddess Durga usually takes place) and deities of goddess Durga were destroyed, and sanctity of the Puja (worship) was molested. All these events gave sufficient indications that the evil force did not die. During post '75 period after the religion base Islamic political parties were granted legality some communal events were taking place though appearing as sporadic and isolated which made it clear that communal forces were gathering momentum. From then on attempts were made to identify the minority community as a community obedient to India serving Indian interest. Their patriotism and their loyalty to the country were thrown to open question. This very attitude made the members of the community victims of discrimination in service as well as in the fields of business and other professions.
After the destruction of Babri Mosque in India in 1992, various kinds of atrocities such as wide spread communal repression, looting of properties, raping and molestation of women, threat, eviction from own abodes and land and social persecution took place at different localities of different districts of Bangladesh against the minority community, especially against the Hindu religious community. This was the first time minorities were categorically told that this is a Muslim dominated country and existence and status of the minority community exclusively depend on the pleasure of the majority community.
The post October election-repression on minorities was a very successful staging of great drama of the 1992 rehearsal throughout the country. From incidents cited enclosed in the report and from the witnesses of the affected persons appearing before the Public Inquiry Commission it became clear to the Commission that principal target of the terrorists was Awami League, but in most cases the Kharga (a large falchion used for immolating beasts) of persecution fell on helpless, weak and opportunity-starved minority community. Because they were minorities and at the same time they were supporters (alleged) of Awami League. They were guilty on these two counts. As they were incapable of resisting, the first and major strike befell on the common people belonging to minority community.
Characteristics of current Minority-Repression
After analyzing the events the Commission came to the conclusion that distinctive difference of current repression against minorities from those happened in the past lies in its wide spread extension and in intensity of atrocity. Repression took place against minorities irrespective of their social status. Poor, rich and even professionals belonging to minority community - none were exempted. From this, one may reasonably assume that such wide spread violence directed against a particular section of our own population could not have taken place without preplanning; it just could not happen in a sporadic fashion.
The Public Inquiry Commission opines that there were far-reaching objective and goal behind all these preplanned violence. They are
These goal and objective are definite deviation from history of constitution of sate of "People's Republic of Bangladesh" from the beginning to end, our struggle for independence and our ideals of liberation war.
3. Recommendations
In 1971 after fighting a liberation war against state of 'Islamic Republic of Pakistan' victorious people of Bangladesh established a state of their own 'People's Republic of Bangladesh'. And through the adoption of 1972 constitution for the country a legal basis and princples were established how to run the state affairs. We noticed that 4 fundamental principles of state policy incorporated in the constitution of 1972 reflected insights of many complex ideas and concepts cherished by our people- Pluralism, historical coexistence of peoples following variant religions and sects, traditional stream of development of our pluralistic society, economic status of our people etc.
The Commission firmly believes that the original '72-constitution has been amended (already mentioned before) in such a way that orientation of 'People's Republic of Bangladesh' has been tilted, and because of its influence and impact a repression oriented society has been created in Bangladesh. If Bangladesh were to return to its social equilibrium the foremost need is to reinsert 4 fundamental principles of state policy of the original constitution (1972) ' in the Constitution, all state affairs, social system, and work culture of the administration.
The Commission therefore from its own perceived truths present following recommendations before the government and the people.
(e). The traditional family and inheritance laws and rules of backward sections of
(b). Those who have taken shelter in neighboring country must be brought back in congenial atmosphere and settled in their own homes.
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